The day Estonia stood firm: Remembering the 1924 Coup attempt 100 years later

As you wander through the streets of Tallinn, you might come across a red brick building with a statue of two soldiers adorning its courtyard — standing before you is the former military school in the Tondi barracks complex. At first glance, it seems like any other historical landmark. But this place is connected to a pivotal chapter in Estonia’s past — one marked by rebellion, tension, and a dramatic attempt to overthrow the government 100 years ago — the 1 December 1924 coup. 

Estonia’s own roaring 20s 

In 1924, Estonia was not only a young nation — having declared independence just six years earlier — but it was also emerging from two years of economic hardship. Believing they could take advantage of a period of weakness, the Soviet Union orchestrated a coup attempt that aimed to topple the Estonian government and establish a communist regime. Nearly 300 Soviet-backed Comintern operatives, trained and armed in Moscow, were sent to Estonia to lead the coup. The plan was nothing short of audacious, and envisaged coordinated attacks in Tallinn, with additional riots planned in Tartu, Narva, and other major cities. 

Amongst the motley crew of revolutionaries, one figure stood out above the rest: Jaan Anvelt. A former schoolteacher turned Bolshevik revolutionary, Anvelt’s political career had taken off with the October Revolution. When Estonia became independent and the Communist Party of Estonia (EKP) was banned, Anvelt transitioned into a life of underground activity and creative pseudonyms. After years in the shadows, the 1924 coup seemed to be his golden opportunity to make a comeback.

In the early morning of 1 December 1924, Estonia faced a brutal wake-up call. In Tallinn, armed insurgents targeted strategic sites like the parliament, the offices of the head of state, the Ministry of the Interior, the Ministry of War, and other critical infrastructure, aiming to dismantle Estonia’s defence network in one fell swoop. 

Among the primary targets was the Estonian Military School in the Tondi suburb, which saw the heaviest combat. At 5:25 AM, cadets were awakened by the sounds of grenades shattering their windows and bullets tearing through the walls of the dormitory. Amid the chaos, a handful of cadets managed to arm themselves and organise a counterattack. Their resistance prevented the insurgents from advancing further, though at a cost: four soldiers — Arnold Allebras, Aleksander Teder, Aleksander Tomberg, and August Udras — lost their lives in the confrontation, and several others were wounded. In total, on 1 December, the conspirators killed 26 members of the Estonian government forces, while the communist side incurred 125 casualties.

A subversive plot with a rapid decline

This chaotic attempt to jeopardise the country failed, having lasted no more than five hours. Indeed, from the outset, the signs suggested such an outcome was likely. Moscow deemed the local communists’ preparations inadequate and knew that Estonian security forces were aware of the plot. Moreover, the plan was founded on unrealistic expectations, and it didn’t take long for this to become evident: there was a mistaken belief that the workers and soldiers would rally to the insurgency and seize power in the capital together, but in reality, the communists who took part in the putsch were mostly agents from the Soviet Union. 

After the failure of the plot, Anvelt started a new life in the USSR, reinventing himself in various prestigious roles. Anvelt’s bureaucratic successes in the Soviet Union appeared to have allowed him to win the favour of high-ranking individuals. However, in 1937, during Stalin’s Great Purge, even a career conducted according to the regime’s rigid dictates could not protect him: after his arrest, he was interrogated and beaten to death by the NKVD. He was labelled an enemy of the people shortly thereafter, only to be posthumously rehabilitated in 1957.

Lasting effects

While not widely discussed outside of Estonia, the 1924 coup attempt has left an undeniable mark on the country and society. Many of the defenders against the coup were awarded medals and, as former interior minister Katri Raik stated in a 2018 ceremony, “significant changes were launched in the field of internal security […] for instance […] the establishment of a police school and move towards police education.” The anniversary of the attempted coup, 1 December, now marks National Internal Security Day (Sisejulgeoleku päev) in Estonia. The solemn holiday pays tribute to police, firefighters, and internal security personnel. Ceremonies are also held at the Tondi Boys statue for the soldiers and officers killed during the attempted coup.

The social and political effects at the time were also far-reaching. Communism in Estonia once commanded a strong support base in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The expansion of industry, an influx of left-leaning Russian students, and lower-class Estonian students in universities coalesced into a group sympathetic to the pro-worker, anti-monarchist ideology of Marxism. Hundreds of peasants participated in the destruction of nobility property in the 1905 revolution. In 1917, almost 40% of the Estonian population supported the Bolsheviks.  

After the 1924 coup, communism in Estonia was decimated and the communists lost much of their support. With the EKP being declared illegal in 1918, the trial of 149 Communists accused of conspiring against the constitution in November 1924, and government reforms that seized land from Baltic Germans and redistributed it to farmers, the ideology was effectively kneecapped. 

Battles over memory

Over the last 100 years, Soviet-occupied Estonia and independent Estonia have each advanced their own narrative of the putsch. Two films, from two different perspectives, were created that focus on the events of that day. Ask The Dead For The Price Of Death, produced in 1978, tells the tale of an arrested participant of the putsch who is an ardent communist. Thirty years later, December Heat was released, which focuses on the Estonian soldiers who fought against the 1924 coup. Predictably, the main difference between the films is who is glorified and who is vilified. The fall of communism ensured that the narrative from the latter film won out. 

This struggle over historical narratives extended to monuments as well. Independent Estonia has twice constructed statues to honour those who fought against the plotters, while the Estonian SSR erected one to its perpetrators. These competing memorials have been built, removed, ridiculed, and praised over the years. 

Today, the former military complex of the Tondi barracks is becoming an innovative residential and business quarter known as Park Tondi. Here, one can find Estonia’s recent memorial to 1 December — the previously mentioned Tondi Boys (Tondipoisid) Statue. This redevelopment breathes new life into a site long neglected after Estonia regained independence. This transformation falls within the effort to reintegrate the area into the fabric of the city, giving it a fresh identity while preserving its historical significance to the country. 

Regardless of the lack of knowledge of the 1924 coup outside of Estonia, the events of 1 December shaped the country’s future. Not only did it help secure Estonia’s independence, at least at that moment, it also influenced its social and political landscape. The event marked the end of communism in the country, at least until Soviet occupation in 1940. Despite declaring its independence just six years earlier in 1918, Estonia was able to defeat a putsch sponsored by its much larger neighbour. 

One hundred years later, the significance of this event remains evident. In a world where threats to democratic principles persist, this historical anniversary serves as a powerful reminder of the need to protect democratic values, civic engagement, and human rights.