“There is No Balance” – Ukraine’s unions face a war on multiple fronts

At some point, Russia’s war against Ukraine will end and, once the guns fall silent, Ukraine will need to start rebuilding both its infrastructure and society. Trade unions and their members will be key to this effort. So why has the government been pressuring them during these trying times?

For over three years, all segments of Ukrainian society have mobilized against Russia’s war machine, including the country’s trade union members. Thousands of them have enlisted in the armed forces, while others have continued to manufacture key materials in Ukraine’s fight against the Russian army.

However, in addition to coming under fire on the frontlines and having their homes and workplaces targeted by ballistic missiles, union members must also contend with the anti-social policies of the current Ukrainian government. 

Since coming to power in 2019, the government has been attempting to pass laws that strip away workers’ rights. In 2022, Russia’s full-scale invasion gave the government the opportunity to pass many of these so-called reforms. These include zero-hour contracts, limits on contract bargaining, and the seizure of property from the country’s largest union federation. 

The questions these policies pose are: why is the government doing this, what are the effects of these policies, and what has been the response from unions?

Mounting pressure

Since the Maidan Revolution in 2014, Ukraine has seen governments push neo-liberal reforms that have degraded labor laws and diminished union influence. Vladyslav Starodubtsev, a left-wing activist currently serving in the army, noted in an interview with Lossi 36 that after the revolution, the government went from pursuing a clientelist, though pragmatic, approach towards unions, to adopting more neo-liberal policies.

Zelenskyy’s rise to power accelerated this trend. For Vitalii Dudin, a former labor attorney, there are competing goals within the administration between various individuals. The figures pressing most aggressively for these reforms include the Prime Minister Yuliia Svyrydenko, head of the Verkhovna Rada’s Social Policy Committee Halyna Tretiakova, and the former head of the National Asset Recovery and Management Agency (ARMA), Olena Duma. 

For instance, under Ms. Tretiakova, a new body was proposed – dubbed the Council of Trade Union Bodies. Ostensibly created to modernize and update how the government and labor organizations negotiate, the body has been roundly criticized as an attempt to create and enforce policies without the input of labor.

These maneuvers were aided by the fact that Zelenskyy’s party, Servant of the People, controls a commanding majority in the Verkhovna Rada (Ukraine’s parliament).

Effects on unions

In Ukraine, there are a number of labor unions and, above them, two federations that represent them and fight for their interests – though some unions remain independent from them. These two bodies are the Federation of Trade Unions (FPU) and the Confederation of Independent Trade Unions (KVPU). Together, they represent almost 3 million workers.  

Throughout 2025, the FPU faced aggressive government actions, including the seizure of its property and the arrest of its former president. There are two potential explanations for this. Firstly, the organization controls vast amounts of property throughout the country which the government has been attempting to seize for years. Secondly, as the nation’s largest union, it can mobilize thousands of workers to challenge laws deemed harmful to labor.

Speaking with Lossi 36, FPU Vice President Vasyl Andreyev noted that Ukraine’s largest union federation has been feeling the effects of the Zelenskyy government’s actions and policies. He remarked that while it has been doing its best to protect and advocate for its members, the policies, “that look like suppression…[influence] all our activities.”  (Note, in the interest of disclosure, Mr. Andreyev and the author are both members of the organization, European Network for Solidarity with Ukraine).

He further noted that the seizure of their property has tied their hands as unions are forced to reckon with the loss of workplaces while trying to perform their duties as representatives of various labor groups. 

It is also worth noting that this focus on property and its maintenance has sparked controversy, as some in Ukraine see the FPU as prioritizing its property over its members. For his part, Mr. Andreyev stated that there are internal discussions about the importance of federation property but that this property is vital for carrying out their mission and that the idea that the federation prioritizes it is “ridiculous.”

There is also Ukraine’s second largest federation of unions, the KVPU. Despite its smaller size, it has not escaped the government’s gaze. In 2022, a warrant was issued for its head, Mykhailo Volynets, though his case was later dropped. Mr. Starodubtsev noted that, because the KVPU does not control the property that the FPU does, they experience more indirect and rhetorical forms of pressure.

Another issue for the KVPU is that the martial law imposed after Russia’s invasion limits protests and gatherings, kneecapping its main advantage – the ability to get people onto the streets. According to Dudin, “before the war, they relied on street mobilization. But during the war, it hasn’t been possible.” The upshot is the KVPU is unable to expand and spread its messaging.

The KVPU failed to respond to multiple requests for an interview.

External and internal challenges

These issues are further compounded by two factors. Firstly, Russia’s war against Ukraine directly impacts unions and their ability to function. The loss of so many union members on the frontline impacts their ability to collect dues and mobilize. Not only are members killed on the frontline, many, often with rare and specific qualifications, have been forced to leave the country, prompting fears that they will not return when they can receive higher salaries in other European countries.

The second issue is the FPU and KVPU themselves. Mr. Dudin bemoaned the lack of creative thinking exhibited by unions during the war. He noted that both FPU and KVPU require “deep change.” Their inability to adapt, combined with a failure to capitalize on the mass mobilization of society after February 2022, has prevented unions from appealing to the broader Ukrainian population. Mr. Dudin noted that, “for society they look like…[an] outdated structure.”

Maksym Romanenko, a former nurse whose union fell under the FPU umbrella, voiced equal disappointment with the federation. With the assistance of translation software, Mr. Romanenko wrote to Lossi 36, “The FPU does defend its member workers, but in my opinion, not effectively enough. The main problem is inertia and the lack of trust among workers.”  

For their part, the FPU appears to be changing its approach. Earlier in August, the federation elected a new president, Serhiy Bizov. This comes after its previous head, Heorhii Osovyy, stepped down in July 2025 after being arrested on what some have referred to as politically-motivated charges. Bizov, a war veteran and former head of the veteran’s association, represents a potential new vision for the organization. A newcomer to the union movement, Mr. Dudin believes that having a veteran who is not embroiled in corruption is good for the organization and its image going forward. 

Mr. Andreyev also noted that the FPU has been cooperating with the government recently. Through dialogue it has been able to craft a memorandum of understanding alongside the government and the newly elected president had a productive meeting with Zelenskyy. Mr. Andreyev denied that his organization felt pressured to make sacrifices in face of government action.

Allies and civil society

A major obstacle for Ukraine’s unions is the lack of explicitly pro-labor parties in the Verkhovna Rada or in government administration. In addition to Zelenskyy’s Servant of the People’s Party, there are two other major parties, one headed by former President Petro Poroshenko and the other by former Prime Minister Yuliia Timoshenko.

Poroshenko’s party, European Solidarity, pushed through numerous neoliberal measures during its time in power. Timoshenko’s party, Fatherland, while apparently supporting a left-of-center economic model, is driven far more by its leader than by a specific ideology. 

As stated by labor activist Artem Tidva (who is also involved with European Network for Solidarity with Ukraine), “Ukrainian workers [don’t] have their labor party or…worker’s party who will protect their interests…businessmen for sure, they have [their own parties]… A lot of businessmen are in power.” 

There are, however, allies that labor can count on. MP Mykhailo Volynets is a staunch labor supporter and is head of the KVPU.  It is worth noting, however, that he supported Zelenskyy’s legislation limiting the power of anti-corruption bodies. 

Another ally of labor is the organization Sotsialny Rukh (Social Movement). A grassroots organization, the group works with trade unions and civil society to promote socialist policies. In the words of one of its founders, Mr. Dudin, the goal of the organization is to help ordinary working people and connect them to the political class. 

Mr. Romanenko is also active in the organization and points to its advocacy for Law 2980, which provides one-time payment “for damage to life and health caused to employees of critical infrastructure facilities, civil servants, local government officials as a result of the military aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine.”

Mr. Tidva, another of Sotsialny Rukh’s founders, also pointed to various international bodies, especially in Europe, which are key for Ukraine’s trade union bodies. As he states, “Before [the] war and during wartime they started to understand the impact of international society and the role of these institutions in the taking of decisions about the affiliation of Ukraine into [the] European Union’. 

Reconstruction

Once there is some form of peace in Ukraine, the physical reconstruction of the country will be immense. It is estimated that, as of February 2025, the costs of re-building the country will be $524 billion. 

After almost four years of devastation, a common riposte to concerns over the government’s actions and policies towards labor is that they will attract the foreign investment required to rebuild the country. This has been the mantra of Prime Minister Yulia Svyrydenko. Having spent her professional life as an economic technocrat, she has written about efforts to attract more foreign investment into the country.

Despite these assertions, their true efficacy is doubtful. Mr. Starodubtsev asserted that the policies “completely destroyed the concept of social dialogue between workers and capitalists and business owners and…caused worsening social standards in Ukraine.” Furthermore, he believes that unions are necessary in ensuring that reconstruction will benefit the many, rather than the select few. 

For Mr. Andreyev, strong unions and a strong labor code will be vital for rebuilding efforts. He admitted that it is unlikely that Ukraine will be able to match the larger European salaries that many refugees have been earning since fleeing the war. For him, the ability to have safe working conditions will play a major factor in luring Ukrainians back to their homeland.

Going forward

Amid this precariousness, the protests by Ukrainians against the government over the summer create a potential opportunity for labor. As was publicized in June 2025, thousands of Ukrainians showed up to protest against Zelenskyy’s signing of a law that severely curtailed the independence of the country’s two main anti-corruption bodies. While not related to labor or unions, these protests broke a years-long taboo against wartime protests. 

Among those who spoke with Lossi 36, there were mixed views on how groundbreaking these protests were. Mr. Starodubstsev opined that future demonstrations would need to be large for people to feel safe enough to attend and that the need for security would limit the capacity of future demonstrations.

Mr. Andreyev stated that the feeling of unfairness generated by the NABU/SAPO laws could be generated by other issues related to labor.

Mr. Tidva noted that there were small-scale actions before these summer protests, including wildcat strikes and so-called “Italian Strikes” (also known as work-to-rule strikes). He opined that there was a need to develop these techniques. 

Unfortunately, there is a general lack of awareness of labor’s plight in the country. In a personal anecdote, Mr. Romanenko noted that, “my own sister told me she didn’t even know that paid vacation was a right.” He expanded on this by noting that while the anti-corruption protests created a new political climate, public interest in labor is so low that there is unlikely to be any widespread labor demonstrations by the populace. 

This all contributes to unfavorable outcomes for the country’s laborers. Union members are faced with Russian bullets, lost income and jobs while at the front, and potentially undignified contracts being forced upon them. “There is no balance…capitalists and employers…are much…stronger than before,” claims Mr. Dudin. The men and women who are responsible for Ukraine’s defense, and will be responsible for its rebuilding, deserve honor and respect, not least from society and their own government.

Featured image: Canva